A section of the Korean army led by deposed officials and Confucian scholars took up arms against the Japanese in the southern provinces following the 1905 treaty. For five years anti-Japanese guerrilla units, called the “righteous armies,” effectively harassed the Japanese occupation forces, especially in 1908–09. With the annexation, however, they were driven into Manchuria. Large numbers of Koreans emigrated to Manchuria, Siberia, and Hawaii before and after 1910.
Japan set up a government in Korea with the governor-generalship filled by generals or admirals appointed by the Japanese emperor. The Koreans were deprived of freedom of assembly, association, the press, and speech. Many private schools were closed because they did not meet certain arbitrary standards. The colonial authorities used their own school system as a tool for assimilating Korea to Japan, placing primary emphasis on teaching the Japanese language and excluding from the educational curriculum such subjects as Korean language and Korean history. The Japanese built nationwide transportation and communications networks and established a new monetary and financial system. They also promoted Japanese commerce in Korea while barring Koreans from similar activities.
The colonial government promulgated a land-survey ordinance that forced landowners to report the size and area of their land. By failing to do this, many farmers were deprived of their land. Farmland and forests owned jointly by a village or a clan were likewise expropriated by the Japanese since no single individual could claim them. Much of the land thus expropriated was then sold cheaply to Japanese. Many of the dispossessed took to the woods and subsisted by slash-and-burn tillage, while others emigrated to Manchuria and Japan in search of jobs; the majority of Korean residents now in those areas are their descendants.
A turning point in Korea’s resistance movement came on March 1, 1919, when nationwide anti-Japanese rallies were staged. The former emperor, Kojong, the supreme symbol of independence, had died a few weeks earlier, bringing mourners from all parts of the country to the capital for his funeral. A Korean Declaration of Independence was read at a rally in Seoul on March 1. Waves of students and citizens took to the streets, demanding independence. An estimated two million people took part. The March First Movement, as it came to be known, took the form of peaceful demonstrations, appealing to the conscience of the Japanese. The Japanese, however, responded with brutal repression, unleashing their gendarmerie and army and navy units to suppress the demonstrations. They arrested some 47,000 Koreans, of whom about 10,500 were indicted, while some 7,500 were killed and 16,000 wounded.
In September independence leaders, including Yi Tong-nyŏng and An Ch’ang-ho, who in April had formed a Korean provisional government in Shanghai, elected Syngman Rhee as president. It brought together all Korean exiles and established an efficient liaison with leaders inside Korea. Japan realized that its iron rule required more sophisticated methods. The gendarmerie gave way to an ordinary constabulary force, and partial freedom of the press was granted. But the oppressive and exploitative Japanese colonial policy remained ruthless, though using less conspicuous methods.
Taking advantage of a wartime business boom, Japan took leaps forward as a capitalist country. Korea became not only a market for Japanese goods but also a fertile region for capital investment. Meanwhile, industrial development in Japan was achieved at the sacrifice of agricultural production, creating a chronic shortage of rice. The colonial government undertook projects for increasing rice production throughout Korea. Many peasants were ordered to turn their dry fields into paddies. The program was temporarily suspended during the worldwide economic depression in the early 1930s. It soon resumed, however, in order to meet the increased needs of the Japanese military in its war against China, which began in 1931. Most Koreans were forced to subsist on low-quality cereals imported from Manchuria instead of their own rice.
Of the several dailies and magazines founded shortly after the March First Movement, the newspapers Dong-A Ilbo (“East Asia Daily”) and Chosun Ilbo (“Korea Daily”) spoke the loudest for the Korean people and inspired them with the ideals of patriotism and democracy. In the academic community, scholars conducted studies on Korean culture and tradition. Novels and poems in colloquial Korean enjoyed new popularity.
A major anti-Japanese mass rally was held in Seoul in 1926, on the occasion of the funeral of Emperor Sunjong. A nationwide student uprising originated in Kwangju in November 1929, demanding an end to Japanese discrimination. These and other resistance movements were led by a wide spectrum of Korean intellectuals.
In 1931 the Japanese imposed military rule once again. After the outbreak of the second Sino-Japanese War (1937) and of World War II in the Pacific (1941), Japan attempted to obliterate Korea as a nation: Koreans were forced to worship at Japanese Shintō shrines and even to adopt Japanese-style names, and academic societies devoted to Korean studies as well as newspapers and magazines published in Korean were banned. The Japanese desperately needed additional manpower to replenish the dwindling ranks of their military and labour forces. As a consequence, hundreds of thousands of able-bodied Koreans, both men and women, were drafted to fight for Japan and to work in mines, factories, and military bases. In addition, after the start of the Pacific war, the Japanese forced thousands of Korean women to provide sexual services (as “comfort women”) for the military.
When Shanghai fell to the Japanese, the Korean provisional government moved to Chongqing in southwestern China. It declared war against Japan in December 1941 and organized the Korean Restoration Army, composed of independence fighters in China. This army fought with the Allied forces in China until the Japanese surrender in August 1945, which ended 35 years of Japanese rule over Korea.
The Cairo Declaration, issued on December 1, 1943, by the United States, Great Britain, and China, pledged independence for Korea “in due course.” This vague phrase aroused the leaders of the Korean provisional government in Chongqing to request interpretation from the United States. Their request, however, received no answer. At the Yalta Conference held in February 1945, U.S. Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed to Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin a four-power trusteeship for Korea consisting of the United States, Great Britain, the U.S.S.R., and the Republic of China. Stalin agreed to Roosevelt’s suggestion in principle, but they did not reach any formal agreement on the future status of Korea, and after the Yalta meeting there was a growing uneasiness between the Anglo-American allies and the U.S.S.R.
Throughout the Potsdam Conference in July 1945, U.S. military leaders insisted on encouraging Soviet entry into the war against Japan. The Soviet military leaders asked their U.S. counterparts about invading Korea, and the Americans replied that such an expedition would not be practicable until after a successful landing had taken place on the Japanese mainland. The ensuing Potsdam Declaration included the statement that “the terms of the Cairo Declaration,” which promised Korea its independence, “shall be carried out.” In the terms of its entry into the war against Japan on August 8, the U.S.S.R. pledged to support the independence of Korea. On the following day Soviet troops went into action in Manchuria and northern Korea.
The General Order No. 1, drafted on August 11 by the United States for Japanese surrender terms in Korea, provided for Japanese forces north of latitude 38° N (the 38th parallel) to surrender to the Soviets and those south of that line to the Americans. Stalin did not object to the contents of the order, and on September 8 American troops landed in southern Korea, almost a month after the first Soviet entry. On the following day the United States received the Japanese surrender in Seoul. There were now two zones—northern and southern—for the Soviets had already begun to seal off the 38th parallel.
The historic decision to divide the peninsula has aroused speculation on several counts. Some historians attribute the division of Korea to military expediency in receiving the Japanese surrender, while others believe that the decision was a measure to prevent the Soviet forces from occupying the whole of Korea. Since U.S. policy toward Korea during World War II had aimed to prevent any single power’s domination of Korea, it may be reasonably concluded that the principal reason for the division was to stop the Soviet advance south of the 38th parallel.
The end of Japanese rule caused political confusion among Koreans in both zones. In the south various political parties sprang up. Although they were roughly divided into rightists, leftists, and middle-of-the-roaders, they had a common goal: the immediate attainment of self-government. As early as August 16, 1945, some Koreans organized a Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence, headed by Woon-hyung Lyuh (Yŏ Un-hyŏng), who was closely associated with the leftists. On September 6 the delegates attending a “national assembly” that was called by the committee proclaimed the People’s Republic of Korea. But the U.S. military government, under Lieut. Gen. John R. Hodge, the commanding general of the U.S. armed forces in Korea, refused to recognize the republic, asserting that the military government was the “only government” in Korea, as stipulated in General Order No. 1. The exiled Korean provisional government, on returning, also was compelled to declare itself a political party, not a government. U.S. policy in Korea was to establish a trusteeship that would supersede both the American and the Soviet occupation forces in Korea.
In late December the Council of Foreign Ministers (representing the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain) met in Moscow and decided to create a four-power trusteeship of up to five years. Upon receiving the news, Koreans reacted violently. In February 1946, to soothe the discontent, the military government created the Representative Democratic Council as an advisory body to the military government. This body was composed of Koreans and had as its chairman Syngman Rhee, former president of the Korean government-in-exile.
In October the military government created an Interim Legislative Assembly, half of whose members were elected by the people and half appointed by the military government. The assembly was empowered to enact ordinances on domestic affairs but was subject to the veto of the military government. The feeling against trusteeship came to a climax several months later when the assembly condemned trusteeship in Korea.
The northern zone
Unlike the U.S. forces in the south, the Soviet army marched into the north in 1945 accompanied by a band of expatriate Korean communists. By placing the latter in key positions of power, the Soviet Union easily set up a communist-controlled government in the north. On August 25 the People’s Executive Committee of South Hamgyŏng province was created by the South Hamgyŏng province Communist Council and other nationalists. The Soviet authorities recognized the committee’s administrative power in the province, thus setting a precedent for the committee’s role throughout the provinces of the northern zone. In this way the Soviet Union placed the north under its control without actually establishing a military government. In October Korean leaders in the north organized the Bureau of Five Provinces Administration, a central governing body, and this was replaced in February 1946 by the Provisional People’s Committee for North Korea. This new agency, a de facto central government, adopted the political structure of the Soviet Union.
Communist leader Kim Il-sung, who had fought in the resistance movement against the Japanese occupation, arrived in P’yŏngyang in the uniform of a major of the Red Army and was introduced to the people as a national hero on October 14, 1945. Shortly after his public appearance, Kim was elected first secretary of the North Korean Central Bureau of the Communist Party. After the Provisional People’s Committee was organized, with Kim as its chairman, it assumed the helm of existing central administrative bureaus. A year later, in February 1947, a legislative body was established under the name of the Supreme People’s Assembly, and, with the strong support of the Soviet occupation authorities, Kim commenced consolidating his political power.
The Moscow Conference of December 1945, which called for a four-power trusteeship, created a Joint U.S.-U.S.S.R. Commission of the rival U.S. and Soviet military commands in Korea to settle the question of establishing a unified Korea. When the commission convened in Seoul from March to May 1946, the Soviet delegates demanded that those Korean political groups that had opposed trusteeship be excluded from consultation. The United States refused, and on this rock foundered all attempts by the commission to prepare for the unification of Korea. The commission met again from May to August 1947, but it achieved nothing toward the creation of a unified Korea.
The United States presented the question of Korean unification to the United Nations (UN) in September 1947. In November the UN General Assembly in New York City adopted a resolution, proposed by the United States, that called for general elections in Korea under the observation of a UN Temporary Commission on Korea. Those elected were to make up a National Assembly, establish a government, and arrange with the occupying powers for the withdrawal of their troops from Korea. The U.S.S.R., however, barred the Temporary Commission from entering the northern zone. The south, however, held elections under the supervision of the Temporary Commission on May 10, 1948. The National Assembly convened on May 31 and elected Syngman Rhee as its speaker. Shortly afterward a constitution was adopted, and Rhee was elected president on July 20. Finally, on August 15, the Republic of Korea was inaugurated, with Seoul as the capital, and the military government came to an end. In December the UN General Assembly declared that the republic was the only lawful government in Korea.
Meanwhile, on November 18, 1947, the Supreme People’s Assembly of North Korea set up a committee to draft a constitution. The committee adopted the new constitution in April 1948, and on August 25 elections for members of the Supreme People’s Assembly were held with a single list of candidates. On September 3 the constitution was ratified by the Supreme People’s Assembly, which was holding its first meeting in P’yŏngyang. Kim Il-sung was appointed premier, and on September 9 the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was proclaimed, with the capital at P’yŏngyang. On October 12 the U.S.S.R. recognized this state as the only lawful government in Korea.
South Korea began to organize a police constabulary reserve in 1946. In December 1948 the Department of National Defense was established. By June 1950, when the war broke out, South Korea had a 98,000-man force equipped only with small arms, which was barely enough to deal with internal revolt and border attacks. The U.S. occupation forces completely withdrew from Korea by June 1949, leaving behind them a force of about 500 men as a U.S. Military Advisory Group to train the South Korean armed forces. In October 1949 the United States granted South Korea $10,200,000 for military aid and $110,000,000 for economic aid for the fiscal year 1950, the first year of a contemplated three-year program. In addition the U.S. Congress approved $10,970,000 for military aid in March 1950. The military equipment committed under the U.S. military assistance program was still en route, however, when North Korean troops invaded the South in June. South Korea was thus unprepared to resist the total invasion from the North.
Military preparations in North Korea had been much more extensive. Early in 1946 the Soviet authorities had organized a 20,000-man constabulary and army units, and in August the North Korean army was established (its title changing to the Korean People’s Army in February 1948). The Soviet occupation forces left North Korea in December 1948, leaving behind for training purposes 150 advisers for each army division. In March 1949 the U.S.S.R. concluded a reciprocal-aid agreement with North Korea, in which it agreed to furnish heavy military equipment, and by June 1950 North Korean forces numbered 135,000, including a tank brigade. As early as 1946 the Soviets were sending thousands of Koreans to the U.S.S.R. for specialized training, and during 1949–50 China transferred about 12,000 Korean troops from its army to the North Korean forces. The North Korean forces were thus far superior to those of South Korea in training and equipment when, on June 25, 1950, North Korean troops launched a full-scale invasion of the south.
On June 26 (June 25 in New York City) the UN Security Council approved a resolution condemning the invasion of South Korea. The Soviet Union was unable to impose a veto, because its delegate had been boycotting the meetings to protest the fact that the People’s Republic of China had no representation in the United Nations. On June 27 U.S. Pres. Harry S. Truman issued the order for U.S. air and naval forces to resist communist aggression in Korea; that afternoon the UN Security Council ratified Truman’s decision to send air and sea aid to Korea, calling upon UN members to render such assistance to Korea as might be necessary to restore peace. But Seoul fell on June 28, and most of the South Korean army was destroyed. On June 30 Truman ordered U.S. ground forces in Japan into Korea; the first U.S. troops reached the battlefield on July 4. The UN approved the creation of a unified command in Korea, and Gen. Douglas MacArthur was appointed commander. Sixteen member nations sent armed contingents, but the United States furnished the great bulk of the air units, naval forces, supplies, and financing.
The North Koreans continued to advance, despite the presence of U.S. troops in the field. In early August the UN retreat came to an end in a defense perimeter along the Naktong River, forming a semicircular beachhead around Pusan in Korea’s extreme southeast. On September 15, MacArthur counterattacked, catching the communists on the flank by an amphibious attack on Inch’ŏn (on the coast west of Seoul). North Korean forces were trapped and either surrendered or fled in panic. By October 1 the UN forces were back at the 38th parallel. On September 27 the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff had ordered MacArthur to destroy the North Korean armed forces, and two days later Truman authorized him to advance into North Korea. On October 7 the UN General Assembly approved the resolution to permit entry into North Korea and created a UN Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. On October 20 the UN forces entered P’yŏngyang, and on October 26 they reached the Chinese border at the Yalu River.
The Chinese, who had moved troops along the Yalu after the Inch’ŏn landing, entered Korea in November in overwhelming numbers. By late 1952, 1,200,000 Chinese were engaged in the war under the command of Peng Dehuai. They forced the UN forces to retreat in disarray, and Seoul was reevacuated on January 4, 1951. But the Chinese were halted around P’yŏngt’aek (about 30 miles south of Seoul), and in February the UN General Assembly formally condemned China as an aggressor. The UN counteroffensive began in late January. By March 31 the UN forces had again reached the 38th parallel. MacArthur now publicly advocated an extension of the war to China because of the Chinese intervention, but this advocacy was regarded as a challenge to the U.S. president’s conduct of foreign policy. Consequently, in April Truman dismissed MacArthur from all of his commands, and Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway took his place. From then until the armistice, the UN forces fought a holding action along the 38th parallel; indeed, in many places the UN forces were slightly north of the line.
The Soviet delegate to the United Nations proposed a discussion of a cease-fire and an armistice in June 1951, and in July negotiations began between the United Nations and the communist commanders at Kaesŏng, later resumed at P’anmunjŏm (both about 30 miles [50 km] northwest of Seoul). Many issues stood between the two negotiators. The first was the Chinese demand that all foreign troops be withdrawn from Korea, which was met by a steadfast refusal by the United States. The second issue was the boundary: the communists demanded the restoration of the 38th parallel, but the United States insisted on the existing battle line. The third and most important issue was that of prisoners. The UN forces held 171,000 prisoners, 50,000 of them unwilling to return to their communist countries. The communists, not to lose face, were determined to have all prisoners back. On this matter the negotiations were deadlocked and did not resume until after the death of Joseph Stalin in March 1953. A new U.S. administration under Pres. Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugurated in early 1953 and, deeply concerned with balancing the U.S. budget, was determined to end the impasse, even if this involved resuming hostilities. On the other hand, the war-weariness of the communists was increasing. In April 6,670 communists and 684 UN personnel were exchanged at P’anmunjŏm. The communists agreed to hand over to a neutral commission the UN-held prisoners of war who did not wish to be repatriated. But Syngman Rhee opposed any agreement that would leave Korea divided and demanded that the military offensive be resumed. In June Rhee suddenly released 27,000 North Korean anticommunist prisoners in defiance of the United Nations, whereupon the communists broke off negotiations. Negotiations were resumed one month later. Rhee acquiesced and agreed to support the armistice even though he would not sign it. In return, the United States promised to extend economic aid and conclude a mutual-security pact to protect South Korea against further aggression.
The armistice was signed on July 27, 1953. The United Nations had won most of its demands. The battle line became the boundary between North and South Korea, and a demilitarized zone (DMZ) was created by pulling back the respective forces 1.2 miles (2 km) along each side of the boundary. In addition, commissions were established to enforce the cease-fire regulations. A Neutral Nations Commission for Repatriation was entrusted with the repatriation of prisoners, 21,809 of whom—among them 7,582 Korean and 14,227 Chinese—chose to stay in South Korea or go to Taiwan.
The war had lasted for three years and one month and resulted in roughly 4,000,000 casualties, including civilians. South Korean casualties were some 1,313,000 (1,000,000 civilians); communist casualties were estimated at 2,500,000 (including 1,000,000 civilians). The United States lost about 37,000 in action (the official figure, which had been recorded as some 54,000, was revised in 2000 after it was discovered that a clerk had incorrectly included military noncombatant deaths worldwide), South Korea some 47,000, and the UN forces 3,194; but the estimated losses of China in action were 900,000 men and of North Korea 520,000. During the war, two-fifths of Korea’s industrial facilities were destroyed and one-third of its homes devastated.
Total Population 25,115,311
Active Military Personnel - 945,000.
Reserve Military Personnel - 5,500,000.
Total Military Personnel - 6,445,000.
Fighter Aircraft 458.
Attack Aircraft 572.
Transport Aircraft 100.
Trainer Aircraft 169.
Total Helicopter Strength 202.
Attack Helicopters 20.
Total Military Aircraft Strength 944.
Combat Tanks 5,025.
Armored Fighting Vehicles 4,100.
Self-Propelled Artillery 2,250.
Towed Artillery 4,300.
Rocket Projectors 2,400.
Aircraft Carriers 0.
Patrol Craft 438.
Mine Warfare Vessels 25.
Total Naval Assets 967.
Total Population 50,924,172
Active Personnel 627,500.
Reserve Personnel 5,202,250.
Total Military Personnel 5,829,750.
Fighter Aircraft 406.
Attack Aircraft 448.
Transport Aircraft 348.
Trainer Aircraft 273.
Total Helicopter Strength 709.
Attack Helicopters 81.
Total Aircraft Strength 1,477.
Combat Tanks 2,654.
Armored Fighting Vehicles 2,660.
Self-Propelled Artillery 1,990.
Towed Artillery 5,374.
Rocket Projectors 214.
Patrol Craft 70.
Mine Warfare Vessels 11.
Total Naval Assets 166.
Total Population 126,702,133
Reserve Personnel 63,300.
Total Military Personnel 311,875.
Fighter Aircraft 288.
Attack Aircraft 287.
Transport Aircraft 481.
Trainer Aircraft 447.
Total Helicopter Strength 659.
Attack Helicopters 119.
Total Aircraft Strength 1,594.
Combat Tanks 700.
Armored Fighting Vehicles 2,850.
Self-Propelled Artillery 202.
Towed Artillery 500.
Rocket Projectors 99.
Aircraft Carriers 4.
Patrol Craft 6.
Mine Warfare Vessels 25.
Total Naval Assets 131.
The following is from various sources:
North Korea has an active nuclear weapons program and tested nuclear explosive devices in 2006, 2009, 2013, and twice in 2016. The UN Security Council has issued a series of sanctions against North Korea's nuclear program, including Resolution 1695, Resolution 1718, Resolution 1874, Resolution 2087, and Resolution 2270. The Six-Party Talks between North Korea, South Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and the United States began in 2003 with the goal of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula. However, these talks have been suspended since April 2009.
What nuclear weapons does North Korea have?
In July 2017, North Korea successfully launched the country's first inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM) - it had the capability of reaching US territory.
The Pentagon, the headquarters of the US military, believes North Korea has around 200 launchers, which can be used to fire short and medium-range missiles.
Revised estimates mean the total number of missiles could now be between 13 and 21.
And the regime is estimated to have at least four warheads.
China is estimated by the Federation of American Scientists to have an arsenal of about 260 total warheads as of 2015, which would make it the second smallest nuclear arsenal amongst the five nuclear weapon states acknowledged by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
According to the Federation of American Scientists, an organization that assesses nuclear weapon stockpiles, as of 2016, Russian Federation possesses 7,000 total nuclear warheads, of which 1,950 are strategically operational. This is in large part due to the special bomber counting rules allowed by the treaty which counts each strategic nuclear bomber as one warhead irrespective of the number of warheads—gravity bombs and/or cruise missiles carried by the aircraft. The figures are, by necessity, only estimates because "the exact number of nuclear weapons in each country's possession is a closely held national secret." In addition to nuclear weapons, Russia declared an arsenal of 39,967 tons of chemical weapons in 1997, of which 57% have been destroyed.
A 1960 accord with Japan permits the United States to move weapons of mass destruction through Japanese territory and allows American warships and submarines to carry nuclear weapons into Japan's ports and American aircraft to bring them in during landings. The agreement allows the United States to deploy or store nuclear arms in Japan without requiring the express permission of the Japanese Government. The discussion took place during negotiations in 1959, and the agreement was made in 1960 by Aiichiro Fujiyama, then Japan's Foreign Minister. "There were many things left unsaid; it was a very sophisticated negotiation. The Japanese are masters at understood and unspoken communication in which one is asked to draw inferences from what may not be articulated."
In March 2017 Japan joined the United States and the established nuclear powers under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons who abstained from a negotiation on the total ban of nuclear weapons at the United Nations in opposition to 113 other signatory countries involved in discussion.
As it rises in economic strength, China is currently cooperating with the US-dominated global power structure. But this cooperation may not last, argues China scholar Robert Sutter. US attempts to contain China through international organizations and a regional military presence have frustrated China's leaders, who dream of a grander Chinese presence in Asia and the world. Beijing has also been unhappy with U.S. resolve to "continue support for Taiwan, to remain the leading power in Asian and world affairs, and to promote change in China’s political system," Sutter says. The moderation shown in China's current foreign policy is fragile, he concludes, and acquiescence could turn into resistance if Washington loses more support at home and abroad. Barring that or a military conflict in the region, China seems momentarily content to cooperate with the global structure and "bide its time" while maneuvering into a more advantageous international position. - YaleGlobal
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